Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid

Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid, by Jimmy Carter (2006)

The former president, who has been engaged in Middle East politics for nearly 35 years, casts a spotlight on the ongoing conflict between Israel and her neighboring states. While Carter acknowledges that there has been tension in this region since the beginning of recorded history, he ties most of the current conflict to the 1967 Six-Days War and its aftermath.

It was this round of hostilities that resulted in Israel’s occupation of the Golan Heights, the West Bank and other territories. Carter turns repeatedly to U.N. Resolution 242, passed six months after the Six-Day War, which calls for the “withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict.”

The same resolution calls for “termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty… of every State in the area and their right to live in peace…” In other words, it asserts the right of Israel to exist. But Carter cites what are, in his view, numerous Israeli violations of Resolution 242 and subsequent decrees. The end results of these actions have been to geographically and economically isolate the Palestinian people, and to stall the peace process. At the same time, Israeli civilians have continued to settle in occupied lands, which has further fanned the flames of hatred and distrust between the two sides.

The former president describes the multi-pronged offensive Israel has waged against her neighbors as often excessive. With American military backing and the U.S.’ permanent presence on the U.N. Security Council, Carter challenges Americans who have tended to look the other way when Israel ignored international agreements. While the view of Israel as a Goliath in this sensitive region is more common in Europe and much of the Middle East, it’s clear that a number of American critics took issue with this charge by the former president.

Whether or not one agrees with the author’s conclusions, Carter’s short book is an excellent brief history of the conflict in the region and should be required reading for anyone looking to gain a better understanding of this troubled land. Highly recommended.

Jane Fonda's Words of Politics and Passion

Jane Fonda's Words of Politics and Passion, ed. by Mary Hershberger (2006)

This collection of Fonda’s writings and speeches spans over 30 years and includes transcripts of the actor/activist’s broadcasts for Radio Hanoi.

Many readers past a certain age will know Fonda for her vocal opposition to the war in Vietnam, but far fewer will know of her work to curb teen pregnancy. She speaks often of her efforts with The Georgia Campaign for Adolescent Pregnancy Prevention, which she founded in 1995.

Fonda seems to have come full circle with her feminist ideals. Her opposition to Vietnam came relatively late in the course of that conflict and coincided with her discovery that in the course of pursuing her career as an entertainer, she had allowed herself to be made over to meet others notions of what she should look like. By the early 70s, she seems to have reached the conclusion that America was being lied to about Vietnam. At the same time, she felt as though she had been living a lie. Ever aware of how long it took her to find her own voice, Fonda continues to work on a number of efforts to elevate the status of women in society.

The writings in this collection are well chosen and, because they are smartly arranged, they follow the arc of Fonda’s political and philosophical development. It’s hard to disagree with much of what she says, with the exception of one passage in which the activist suggests that the way to deal with Osama bin Laden is to sit him down and talk to him. (It is this reviewer’s opinion this statement places her other ideas—most of them perfectly valid—in jeopardy.)

Whatever one thinks of Fonda as a political figure, this is a well-edited volume of words from an important voice in American life. It should have a place in most academic and public library collections.

A Man Without a Country

A Man Without a Country, by Kurt Vonnegut (2005) [audio book edition, read by Norman Dietz]

Vonnegut's latest book took five years to write and while it might not be coming as quickly as it once did, the author still has good stuff.

Part memoir, part stand-up routine, part political diatribe, this is a book readers will love or hate. Vonnegut pays homage to his roots as a humanist and a socialist. He worships the likes of Eugene Debs, once Socialist Party candidate for President, who hails from his home state of Indiana. Contrasting Karl Marx's passion for workers' rights with the U.S. policy of legalized slavery he asks the question: "Who do you imagine was more pleasing in the eyes of a merciful God back then, Karl Marx or the United States of America?"

The first three-quarters of the book is classic Vonnegut: contemplative at one moment and gut-busting funny a page later. Referring to the U.S. Surgeon General's warnings on packs of cigarettes, the author declares his intention to sue the Brown & Williamson tobacco company for not following through on its promise to kill him. "I am now eighty-two," he writes. "Thanks a lot, you dirty rats. The last thing I ever wanted was to be alive when the three most powerful men on the whole planet would be named Bush, Dick and Colon."

Some of the last pages veer more toward his angry side, at times featuring liberal use of the f-bomb. At a few points I found it just a bit tiresome as he sounded more of a curmudgeon. Still, a large chunk of this book is right on good stuff. And when Vonnegut's giving you his best, it's really magic.

Love him or hate him, Vonnegut is a cultural icon who brings his unique take on life, love and politics one more time.

Originally reviewed 1/9/06

Why Lincoln Matters

Why Lincoln Matters: Now More Than Ever, by Mario M. Cuomo (2004)

"Conservatives and liberals alike should always resist the impulse to make Lincoln over in their own image," writes the former governor of New York, "but it would be even worse not to use him as he might be used." Cuomo makes a passionate case that the words and deeds of the nation's 16^th president are as relevant today as they were some 140 years ago.

The author uses quotes from Lincoln's speeches and letters to make his point, which is often to show that the former president would not approve of the current administration's policies. Pointing to Lincoln's income tax on the wealthy, Cuomo argues that Lincoln would not have cut taxes for the richest Americans in a time of war. The governor makes the case that Lincoln envisioned a progressive role in creating and expanding opportunity for all Americans.

Cuomo's point is harder to make when it comes to matters such as civil liberties in a time of national emergency and the nation's courts. Lincoln suspended the writ of habeas corpus in 1862 and 1863 and while he implemented a number of reforms in the federal court system, Lincoln often clashed with the nation's highest court. Cuomo writes that Lincoln "did not think of the Supreme Court as the separate and independent branch of the government that it was supposed to be," rather he tried to make it "an extension of the presidency."

It is in the final pages that Cuomo uses Lincoln's words to construct an "address to Congress" for the year 2004. In it, Lincoln shows his disapproval for the war in Iraq. The former president also states that the current terrorist threat is not as a great as that which faced the nation during the Civil War.

Points such as the last make this a provocative read in places. While Cuomo clearly aligns Lincoln with modern liberals, people of all political stripes will get something out of this concise but cogent book.

Between Worlds

Between Worlds: The Making of an American Life, by Bill Richardson (2005)

The current governor of New Mexico has only recently announced his intention to run for president but when he wrote this book with journalist Michael Ruby he was preparing for his second gubernatorial bid. He would go on to win the following year by a wide margin, having garnered praise from voters across the political spectrum for his conservative fiscal stance and his education proposals.

Born in California to an American father and a Mexican mother, Richardson never completely fit in with white kids or with the Mexicans with whom he grew up in Mexico City, but his is hardly a fish out of water story. In fact, the man seems to have excelled at most everything he’s tried save academics.

As late as his college days, the man who would go on to become Ambassador to the United Nations was a largely apolitical creature, preferring instead the thrill of the baseball diamond. He had become a star prospect until injuries to his pitching arm sidelined him. Though he wasn’t a terribly motivated student he did well enough to get to graduate school. After his schooling he made a calculated move to New Mexico, where he launched his political career.

The bulk of the book concerns Richardson’s trips abroad during his service in the U.S. House. The congressman faced tough negotiations with some of the world’s most notorious leaders, including Saddam Hussein and Fidel Castro. President Bill Clinton nominated him for ambassador and Richardson was later given the challenging assignment of Secretary of the Department of Energy.

The governor’s ego is evident in every chapter and he comes off as something of a braggart at times. He recounts butting heads with a number of figures, often fellow Democrats. He describes his often-public dustup with Democratic National Committee chair Terry McAuliffe as Richardson seems determined to keep himself and his state in the limelight, even though it ruffles some feathers. Through it all, he seems to enjoy the political game as much as the end result.

Richardson’s description of state politics hardly matches the excitement of the first half of the book and this makes for a somewhat anti-climactic reading experience. Even so, this gifted and determined politician has written a tale that many followers of politics will find very interesting. Recommended.

The Truth (With Jokes)

The Truth (With Jokes), by Al Franken (2005)

Comedian, author and host of his own Air America radio show, Al Franken covers little new ground in a book that will appeal almost exclusively to Democrats and liberals. Even so, Franken’s love of country and sense of humor make this book a joy to read.

“The only comedian to have performed at Abu Ghraib,” so far as he knows, Franken addresses the outrageous assertion by commentators such as Rush Limbaugh that “nobody got hurt” there, in spite of the photo evidence showing one detainee dead and another badly beaten.

Franken takes aim at the Republican Party for its passage of legislation in the Terri Schiavo case. He points the finger at outgoing Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, a medical doctor, who formed his opinions on Mrs. Schiavo’s condition without ever having met with her. After her autopsy showed what many doctors had already concluded, that Schiavo had irreversible brain damage, Frist would claim that “Terri’s Law” was about merely about ensuring an accurate diagnosis.

But for all of his criticism of others, he maintains his ability to laugh at himself. After detailing a 2004 Defense Science Board report, which concluded that Americans were “strangely narcissistic” in the eyes of Muslims, Franken writes:

“… I think about narcissism a lot. One of the things people like most about my books is how I relate politics and global events to anecdotes about myself, especially my USO tours and the repeated confrontations in which I get the better of Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz. But enough about me…”

Franken finishes with a letter to his grandchildren, dated ten years into the future. He correctly predicts a Democratic takeover of the U.S. House in 2006. He goes on to predict gains for Democrats in the years after that, along with the passage of universal health care and public financing for elections. And what are his grandchildrens’ names? Barack, Hillary and Joe III (the last name having been in the family for many years.)

In an era of negative, often divisive, attacks hurled from one side to the other, Franken shows that one can make their points without being ugly. Better yet, he has fun while doing it. In print and on the air, Franken accomplishes what all too few writers and commentators do: he makes following public policy fun.

Alabama in the Twentieth Century

Alabama in the Twentieth Century, by Wayne Flynt (2004)

Professor Emeritus of History at Auburn University, Flynt’s eleventh book marks the pinnacle of a career studying Alabama and Southern history. Having spent most of his adult life in the state, Flynt is “a native son who has lived, loved, taught, debated, and grieved within the state for 60 of the 100 years described.”

The author is frank and forthcoming with his criticisms of the state, starting appropriately with the tragedy of the 1901 Constitution, a document written by Bourbon Democrats to extend their power and influence while disenfranchising most poor whites and nearly all blacks. The author believes that the injustice of this parchment continues to cast a pall on the state, and he provides plenty of examples of a culture stunted and a people denied to convince the reader of this fact.

Flynt examines the body politic with his chapter “Every Man for Himself: Politics, Alabama Style.” The author takes the state’s anemic tax levels to task, also making the case that the burden falls heaviest on those who can least afford it. Like fellow academic Harvey Jackson, he is critical of a state that accepts low taxes, even though the result is a state government that can provide little for its people.

The professor writes chapters dedicated to education, as well as to women and African-Americans. Particularly in the latter case, Flynt eloquently describes a group that, in light of its smaller numbers, has made a contribution disproportional to the state’s success. Sadly, it is a people that have all too often received the least benefit from it.

But lest critics suggest that Flynt is a man who doesn’t love his native state, the author also gives credit where it is due, whether it is the innovation of engineers in Hunstville contributing to the nation’s space program or its many famous educators, athletes and entertainers. Dozens of pages are dedicated to figures such as education pioneer Julia Tutwiler, baseball slugger Hank Aaron, singer Nat King Cole and U.S. Supreme Court justice Hugo Black, who all once called Alabama home. For all of the challenges they faced, it is clear that Alabama has produced many accomplished and gifted individuals.

At over 600 pages this is not a book for the casual reader, but it is highly recommended for those who want to delve deeper into the recent history of the nation’s 22^nd state.

America: Back on Track

America: Back on Track, by Edward M. Kennedy (2006)

The senior senator from Massachusetts identifies seven challenges for the United States to right its course from recent years. Like many liberals, Kennedy believes that the country is headed in the wrong direction. His goals for the country include protecting national security, creating an economy that works for all and continuing the march of progress toward equal opportunity for all.

Kennedy is one of the more polarizing figures in American politics, and not only for his progressive views. He has often tended toward sharp rhetoric, which speaks to his home base but sometimes alienates voters in other parts of the country, who think him too liberal on social issues and soft on national security. The senator addresses these issues in his short book by praising his older brother’s tough military stance during his short term as president and avoiding the strong and polarizing language that many on the left have issued against the current administration. Overall, his book is a solidly levelheaded assessment of the issues.

The senator is direct with his criticisms however, as he counters the conservative campaign against government. He advances a more expansive role for government through most of the book. Not surprisingly, Kennedy has high praise for Medicare. Citing its low administrative costs and relative stability, he advances this program as a model for covering all Americans with health insurance, not just those over age 65. The senator expresses his view that government will inevitably make mistakes, but he encourages his readers to rally behind those programs that work.

Although he supported the 2002 war in Afghanistan, Kennedy believes the American invasion of Iraq was a grave mistake. He outlines the reasons for his views in his chapter on national security and he is no stronger than when he discusses the difference between a preventive and a preemptive military campaign. He believes that a preemptive strike is justified, such as when Israel attacked those nations whose troops were amassed at its borders in 1967. But by taking action before all of the evidence had been collected, Iraq falls under the former category, he says. It is an error that he believes the country must never repeat.

Kennedy’s calls for increasing the minimum wage and protecting minority rights will surprise few, but he writes directly and passionately about the issues he has chosen for the book. This work is recommended for those interested in recent political debate, particularly those looking ahead to the midterm congressional elections later this year. While there is little new here, Kennedy makes a strong and focused argument for his cause.

Upton Sinclair and the Other American Century

Upton Sinclair and the Other American Century, by Kevin Mattson (2006)

Mattson, a history professor at Ohio University, has written a balanced profile of the author and activist who is best known for penning The Jungle. The landmark book was not a literary masterpiece but it did alert millions of readers to the atrocious conditions faced by immigrant workers in the Chicago meatpacking industry at the turn of the 20th century. Sinclair once said of his signature book, "I aimed for America's heart, and hit its stomach, instead."

Sinclair emerges as a man of contradictions. He started out an ardent socialist but as soon as he began to find wealth he moved to a palatial home in Southern California. The book tracks the author's move rightward toward mainstream politics, starting with his support for the first World War. He would later support World War Two and even the conflict in Vietnam at the end of his life.

In spite of his later embrace of the Democratic Party, Sinclair was never able to hide from his past: his own words were used mercilessly against him in a California gubernatorial run in 1932.

Mattson praises Sinclair for the fact that he took responsibility for his ideas. Even though he was often not taken seriously by them, he wrote governors and presidents in an effort to convince them to adopt his economic policies.

Mattson offers a frank criticism of Sinclair's writing, especially in regard to his works of fiction. Mattson points out that they didn't sell well for the simple fact that they weren't very good and Sinclair often struggled to sell his ideas to publishers. The author was rarely able to divorce himself from the activist and he simply didn't take the time to develop his stories and characters. He did however find success with his Lanny Budd series.

This short book is a quick and interesting account of Sinclair's life and it should appeal to a wide array of readers.